The Balochs have not been provided with even the basic human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Pakistan
By Arif Tabassum
Senator Dr Abdul Malik Baloch was born on January 15, 1958, in Turbat (Kech). He got his initial education in Turbat before doing his FSc from Government Science College, Quetta. Later he did his MBBS from Bolan Medical College, Quetta. He joined the Baloch Students' Organisation at a very young age, in a period when the movement against Ayub Khan was at its peak. Through his political career, he has been affiliated with many Baloch nationalist parties and currently is vice-president of the National Party for Balochistan.
In 1988, Dr Abdul Malik Baloch contested elections from Turbat and became a member of the Balochistan Provincial Assembly. He also served as the health minister, but due to difference of opinion with the then-Chief Minister late Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti's he after some time. In 1990 he was again elected to the Balochistan Provincial Assembly, where he remained active as an opposition member. In 1993, he won his seat for the third consecutive time and served as the education minister. In 2002, he contest for a National Assembly seat and lost the election, blaming massive rigging by the establishment to ensure his opponent Zubeida Jalal's victory.
In March 2006, Dr Abdul Malik Baloch was elected to the Senate of Pakistan. He is also member of one of the Senate's standing committees. The News on Sunday interviewed him recently. Excerpts follow:
The News on Sunday: What are some of the major political concerns of the people of Balochistan?
Dr Abdul Malik Baloch: The major political concerns of the people of Balochistan are not much different from that of other oppressed nations in Pakistan. As is the case with Pashtuns, Sindhis and Seraikis, the Balochs are also faced with issues pertaining to their identity, control over their natural resources and provincial autonomy. They have not been provided with even the basic human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Pakistan. For more than 60 years, the federal government has been exploiting Balochistan's resources to feed the ruling elite; on the other hand, the people of the province have not accrued any benefits and thus remain underdeveloped.
Since the country's inception, the establishment has not allowed democracy to flourish in the country. It has been able to manage the country's affairs in this manner with the support of capitalists, feudals, sardars and drug mafia. Unless the establishment stops interfering in the democratic process, the concerns of Balochs and all other oppressed nations will remain -- and this will be at the cost of genuine steps for bringing about a real social change.
TNS: Are mega projects in Balochistan a mere rhetoric or reality?
AMB: I don't think that mega projects can address the issues of oppressed nations like Balochs. If Mekran Coastal Highway has been built, it should not be considered as a favour to the province -- one should take into account that not even a single highway was built in the area prior to this. As far as the Gwadar deep seaport is concerned, it not part of the province's development agenda ñ the project has strategic importance for China. My analysis is that China is foreseeing a blockade from the United States in the next 15 to 20 years, and then the country will be able to use the port for its transit purposes.
The Gwadar deep seaport project was awarded to a private contractor along with 2,500 acres of premium land, whose current market value is more than Rs 27 billion. On the other hand, even the commercial activity in the area has not resulted in any benefits for the local population. For example, the revenue generated through the port goes to the federal government. Similarly, the labour and transportation facilities here are from the other provinces. What has the much-trumpeted project given to the local population?
The Merani dam has been built to irrigate only 32,000 acres of land. What about the remaining 15 million acres of land in the province? Likewise, the natural resources at Saindak, Rekodak and Sui are being exploited by the federal government. In short, the current situation of exploitation of Balochs is even worse than it was in the British period. Having vast natural resources as well as potential for economic development, Balochistan's current overdraft is Rs 34 billion, its social development indicators are low and the poverty level is high. So, what kind of justice has been done to the province in the name of mega projects? I believe that mega projects are positive developments, but their use, operational mechanism and unjust distribution of resources are the basic issues that need to be addressed first.
TNS: Despite being strong advocates of democracy, why the nationalist parties and groups boycotted the recent general elections?
AMB: The nationalist parties of Balochistan realised that they would not be able to get their rights without forging an alliance with other democratic forces in the country. Thus, they formed the Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (Ponm), and then became part of the Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy (ARD) and later the All Parties' Democratic Movement (APDM). Baloch nationalist leaders took the boycott decision as components of the APDM, though they tried to make other partners realise that without Mian Nawaz Sharif the boycott would be meaningless. However, despite strong reservations, they accepted the APDM's decision to boycott the elections. I personally think that it was a politically incorrect decision that will have negative effects -- had they contested the elections they would have been able to fight for their rights in the parliament, but now they would not be able to do so.
TNS: It is being said that nationalist parties covertly took part in the elections through independent candidates. Is it true?
AMB: Baloch national parties generally boycotted the elections, but in some constituencies their members -- who did not agree with the boycott decision -- contested them as independents. However, they did this against their parties' consent.
TNS: What are your expectations from the new federal government with regard to the issues of provincial autonomy and the ongoing military operation?
AMB: Though the history of both the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML N), at least as far as Balochistan is concerned, has not been great to say the least, Balochs have no choice but to have positive expectations from them. Baloch leaders told the two parties that they will support all their positive steps; and demanded that they stick to the Charter of Democracy and the Murree Accord to address the issue of provincial autonomy, restore the judiciary, ensure the parliament's supremacy, end the ongoing military operation in Balochistan and to allow freedom to the media.
If the PPP and the PML-N fail to do so and betray the people, we will be the first ones to show our street power against them. For a democratic Pakistan, the two parties must keep all the democratic forces, both within and without the parliament, with them to evolve consensus on all national issues. I am afraid that if the ruling coalition fails to adopt this approach, the establishment will play its role and pave the way for yet another undemocratic government.
TNS: Do you think that the PPP-led coalition government in Balochistan will be able to deliver?
AMB: As an individual, the new chief minister, Nawab Muhammad Aslam Raisani, has so far proved to be a principled and clean politician. It is expected that he will at least try his best to deliver, but I have no expectations from his allies. Most coalition members were also part of the previous government and had set new records of corruption. I am sure that they will main these records, even if they fail to improve upon them. Most of them remained part of the General Musharraf regime for more than eight years and supported all his actions against the interests of the province. However, after the recent elections, they became lotas. How can one expect these people to safeguard the interest of the province? I think that Nawab Muhammad Aslam Raisani will face a lot of problems in delivering with this sort of allies and will ultimately fail to do anything good for the people of Balochistan.
TNS: What have you learned from your experiences as a Senator?
AMB: I think that the Senate of Pakistan is just a debating society like Hyde Park, where one can speak at length on issues without anyone paying much heed. For almost last three years, Baloch Senators have highlighted the issues of the province in every session of the Senate, but to no avail. Though the previous government even admitted that in the last three years nothing could be discussed thoroughly in the Senate except Balochistan, one cannot see any action on the ground as a result of those discussions.
The Senate is not autonomous in its decisions, to say the least. For example, it has no role in the national budget-making process. Likewise, it lacks equal representation as is generally claimed ñ in other countries, the federal areas have no representation in the upper house of the parliament, but in Pakistan, Islamabad has representation in the Senate, which is basically the right of the provinces. To make the Senate full of zip, it has to be given more legislative powers with equal representation. It should not be a floor only for discussions; their should be implementation on its decisions also.
http://jang.com.pk/thenews/apr2008-weekly/nos-13-04-2008/pol1.htm#3
|
